History of fascism in Western Europe.  Economic policy of German fascism Preparation for war

History of fascism in Western Europe. Economic policy of German fascism Preparation for war

Moscow State Regional University

Open Education Institute

Test

On the history of economics

on the topic: “The economic policy of German fascism”

Completed by: Khurgcheeva M.V.

2nd year student of the Faculty of Economics

Specialty: "Management of organizations"

Correspondence form of education using

remote technologies

Moscow 2009

Introduction

I. Economic policy of German fascism

1.2 Rise of fascism to power

2. Militarization of the German economy

2.1 German corporate economy

2.2 Centralized economic mechanism

2.3 Financial credit problems

2.4 Agricultural policy

2.5 Preparing for war

Conclusion

List of used literature

Introduction

We consider the development of the features of the economic policy of fascism on the basis of an analysis of the patterns of development of monopoly capitalism in Germany against the background of general trends in the historical evolution of capitalism in this country. The characteristic features of this evolution are determined by the belated economic development of Germany in comparison with other Western European countries.

The purpose of this work is to study the economic policy of fascism in Germany. The objectives for this study are:

a) analyze the general patterns of development industrial production, as well as the factors that contributed to the development of the industry,

b) show the development of individual industries, determine which industries were of decisive importance for the country,

c) trace the process of concentration of production and labor, as well as the formation and development of monopoly capital,

d) give an analysis of development Agriculture.

These questions will be answered in this work.

I.The economic policy of German fascism

1. Germany after World War 1

A feature of the historical development of German capitalism was that since the end of the 19th century, the German economy grew at a faster rate than in other capitalist countries of Europe. German imperialism entered the world arena, belatedly dividing markets and sources of raw materials. Therefore, the redistribution of the world becomes its political and economic task.

The World War ended with the defeat of Germany and inflicted huge material losses on it. As a result of the war, the public debt increased 32 times from 5 to 160 billion marks. To strengthen the position of the monopolies, a policy of forced cartelization and syndication was pursued. Cartels and syndicates are the simplest types of monopolies, connected not by industrial ties, but by financial ties. Forced syndication in Germany affected cement, aluminum, tobacco and shoe factories. Pretty soon, Germany exhausted all its raw materials, and repeated mobilizations exhausted the reserve of labor. As a result, the volume of production is sharply reduced. The total volume of industrial production in 1918 decreased in comparison with 1913 by 43%, and national wealth was halved.

The greatest calamity was inflation. Release paper money acquired astronomical proportions. If in 1913 4 marks were given for one dollar, then in November 1923. - 8 billion marks. Twenty state printing houses worked at full capacity, printing paper signs. This resulted in money becoming cheaper than the paper it was printed on. Inflation contributed to the enrichment of the most enterprising industrialists. By the end of 1922, they were able to obtain from the state credits and loans in the amount of 422 billion marks, which quickly depreciated. The loans were returned at face value. In the autumn of 1923 the rise in prices reached 16% per day, and in 1923 wages increased 1 billion times. The daily wage of a skilled worker in Berlin in November 1923 was 3 trillion. 38 billion marks, but it was not even enough for food. Such a salary had to be carried in baskets. All this required a monetary reform in 1923, which would stabilize the mark. .

1.1 Treaty of Versailles

In 1918 the Kaiser was overthrown and Germany became a bourgeois republic. In 1919, the Treaty of Versailles was signed. The economic losses for Germany under this treaty were large. The colonies pass to England, France, Belgium. It gives France Alsace and Lorraine and grants the Saar coal basin for 15 years. Germany lost 75% of ore mining, 43.8% of iron smelting, 35% of steel production, 29% of coal mining, 50% of zinc and lead smelting. Germany's national wealth declined by 49.7%.

In addition, Germany had to pay reparations of 132 billion gold marks to the victorious countries. Payments in kind were allowed. 5,000 locomotives, 150,000 wagons, a large number of agricultural machines, and 40,000 dairy cows were confiscated. For the next 10 years, as reformations, she was to deliver Construction Materials, chemicals and dairy cattle. The treaty obliged Germany to reduce the army to 100 thousand people, of which officers - up to 4 thousand. Conscription was replaced by free employment, the German general staff was disbanded, and the production of weapons was strictly regulated. Germany was forbidden to have heavy artillery, tanks, submarines, military aircraft. The navy was limited to six ironclads and a few smaller vessels. The Rhineland was to be completely demilitarized

The war-ravaged German economy was unable to make these payments. The amount of payments turned out to be so high that the German government declared default on payments. Germany was hit by severe social upheavals. Subsidizing the policy of "passive resistance" has led to hitherto unknown inflation. Workers and employees could not even buy bread with their wages. Speculation has reached unprecedented proportions. All foundations of public and economic country were undermined.

Western countries, which themselves were in crisis, adopted new plan reparations, which was called the Young Plan. was shrinking total amount reparations from 132 to 113.9 billion marks, the payment period was provided for in 59 years, annual payments decreased. For implementation decisions taken The Bank for International Settlements was established in Basel. But the crisis deepened and in June 1932 the conference in Lausanne reduced all payments to 3 billion marks and determined the period of their payment at 15 years. In 1930, due to the economic crisis, Germany temporarily suspends the payment of reparations, and in 1933 the Hitler government refuses them altogether.

1.2 The German economy in the 20-30s

Up to 1924, economic chaos is observed in Germany, as the domestic market has shrunk and foreign markets have been lost, and a revolutionary situation is brewing in the country. American banker Dauels proposes a program to restore the German economy. His plan called for a reduction in payments to 1 billion gold marks. Payments were to be covered from industry revenues and railways. In addition, Germany was to receive foreign investment. So for 1924 - 1929. Germany received 30 billion marks in foreign loans, 70% of this amount fell on the United States. The government itself received a loan of 800 million marks, and long-term loans amounted to 12 billion marks. Period from 1924 to 1929 was a period of rapid concentration and centralization of capital in Germany. The exit of the industry from the crisis was accompanied by the intensification of monopolization processes. Established in 1925, the chemical concern "IG Farbenindustri" immediately became the largest in Europe. The enterprises of the concern produced 100% German synthetic gasoline and dyes, 80% synthetic nitrogen, 25% rayon. Six Ruhr concerns - "Vereinigte stalwerke", Krupp, Hesch, Haniel, Mannesmann and Klöckner - controlled 65% of iron production and 60% of coal mining. Concern Stinnes "Steel Trust" in 1926 controlled 43% of the output of pig iron, 40% of the production of steel and iron, had about 300 enterprises, which employed about 200 thousand workers. The electrical industry was dominated by the concerns of the General Electricity Company (AEG) and Siemens. In 1926, at the initiative of German industrialists, the European Steel Cartel was created, which smelted 75% of the steel in Europe. Major successes were achieved: mechanical engineering, electrical and chemical industries. The production of synthetic gasoline and artificial silk was mastered. German industry was on the rise, its share in world industrial production increased from 8% in 1923 to 12% in 1928. In 1929, for the first time, exports exceeded imports. The pre-war level was surpassed. Wages increased by 50%, production labor - by 40%. German finance capital participated in 200 of the 300 international monopolies. Most of the deposits and capital were concentrated in the hands of four banks (Deutsche Bank, Dresden Bank, Discount Gesellschaft and Darmstadt Bank).

But prosperity turned out to be “shaky”. The world economic crisis that broke out in 1929 had a catastrophic effect on Germany, since the basis of the country's economy was foreign loans and foreign trade. Due to the crisis, new loans stopped, the number of foreigners' demands to repay loans increased, and the volume of exports to pay for the import of raw materials and food in Germany decreased. As a result: the volume of production from 1929 to 1933. decreased by almost 50%, many enterprises went bankrupt, the unemployment rate reached 6 million people. The public debt rose from 8.2 billion marks in 1929 to 11.4 billion dollars in 1932. The continuous decline in industrial production continued for 4 years. The volume of industrial production during this time decreased by 40.6%. In heavy industry, the decline in production was even greater: steel production fell by 64.9%, pig iron - by 70.3, production in the machine-building industry - by 62.1, shipbuilding - by 80%. Entire industrial regions were idle. For example, in Upper Silesia at the beginning of 1932 all blast furnaces were in operation. Foreign trade turnover fell 2.5 times. Industrial enterprises In Germany in 1932, only 33.4% of their capacities were used. Following the collapse in 1931 of Kredinstalt, one of the main German banks, Darmstadter und Nationalbank, went bankrupt, which forced the government to temporarily close all banks.

One of the most important outcomes of the economic crisis in terms of its consequences was the coming to power of the Nazis in Germany.

The very word fascism is of Italian origin. As we know, the organization created by B. Mussolini was called "Fasho di Combapgimento", which means "Union of Struggle". Members of this organization began to be called fascists, and the movement itself - fascism. Initially, this word was used only in relation to the Italian reality of the 20s, later they began to refer to similar political movements in other countries. However, it must be borne in mind that, for example, the German fascists called themselves "Nazis", "Nazis", since their party was called the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP).

Fascism has a number characteristic features. First of all, it is nationalism and racism. Fascism absorbed the wave of nationalism raised on the eve and during the First World War. Moreover, the greatest scope of this movement in Germany and Italy is largely due to the vulnerability of the national feelings of the peoples of these countries, who completed national association later than others and emerged from the First World War not only weakened, but also humiliated: Germany - the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Italy - "defeated among the victors" - because its interests were neglected at the Paris Peace Conference.

Nationalism in Europe was not a novelty, as we remember, national movements arose in Europe after the Napoleonic wars at the beginning of the 19th century. At that time, a nation was understood as a cultural and historical community of people living in a certain territory and aware of this community. For the Nazis, a nation is, first of all, a relationship of origin, blood. For them, the nation is not so much a social community as a biological one. And they understood the whole history as the struggle of nations for existence, transferring biological laws into it. In this struggle, they believed, the strongest nation survives, and only it has the right to a full-fledged existence. These simple considerations justified, firstly, the domination of the "higher" races, nations over the "lower", and, secondly, the need to preserve the "purity" of the race.

The fascists considered the state to be the center of national will and national spirit. It, according to their ideas, should have been not just strong, but "totalitarian", absorbing society. "Everything for the state, nothing against the state, no one outside the state" - these words of Mussolini express the essence of the fascist idea of ​​a totalitarian state. The interests of the individual, of course, had to be sacrificed to the national, state ones. It was in this sense that the German fascists called themselves "National Socialists". The state, they believed, should be rebuilt on the basis of leaderism. The leader (in German - the Fuhrer, in Italian - Duce) is the spokesman of the national spirit, therefore it is he who must govern the country indefinitely. Elections, limitation of the term of office - all this was rejected by the Nazis.

Considering the entire world history as a struggle for existence, they considered violence to be natural, bowed before force. On violence, the Nazis wanted to build the future world order, through it they went to power, creating armed detachments (assault - SA and security - SS - in Germany, "black shirts" - in Italy) to fight their political opponents.

Finally, fascism is a mass movement that has absorbed the fear of unexpected and turbulent changes in numerous groups of the population: artisans, small traders and entrepreneurs, peasants, bureaucrats, war veterans. It was people from these strata who formed the fascist ruling elite. Neither Hitler, nor Mussolini, nor their associates came from the aristocracy, their parents were not wealthy people.

Fascism is a new phenomenon in social thought and political life. He is related to conservatism by nationalism and the idea of ​​a strong state, but in both the fascists went much further than him. It is related to communism by admiration for violence and recognition of the priority of common interests over individual ones, but the Nazis categorically did not accept the Marxist idea of ​​class struggle, which, in their opinion, undermined national unity. The Communists, moreover, they considered their competitors in the struggle for influence over the workers; both of them called themselves workers' parties. But the main target of the Nazis were liberal values ​​with their focus on human freedom, democracy and the limitation of state power.

Fascist parties and movements arose immediately after the First World War, but their rise began in the 1930s. In France, they were represented by the "Battle Crosses", in Hungary - by the "Arrow Cross", in Spain - by the Phalanx, in England - by the British Union of Fascists.

Features of German fascism

AT different countries the fascist movement acquired specific features. German fascism or Nazism also had a number of features. Nationalism acquired in him extreme, racist forms. The Nazis considered the “Aryan”, “Nordic” race to be the most viable race, to which, naturally, they attributed, first of all, the Germans. The Nazis were characterized by extreme anti-Semitism. They saw in the Jews the main danger to the Aryan race, they opposed mixed marriages and sought to deprive the German Jews of all rights. They saw the historical mission of the "Aryans", "supermen" in the conquest of world domination. The Nazis wanted to cancel the Treaty of Versailles, create a powerful army, unite all Germans in one state and win for Germany in the East " living space", so that she would never be threatened by a blockade, as during the First World War. From that moment, Germany, from their point of view, will be ready for a decisive battle for world domination. Extreme nationalism gave rise to extreme aggressiveness, so characteristic of German fascism.

Rise of fascism in Germany

The Nazi movement in Germany arose immediately after the end of the First World War. The National Socialist German Workers' Party, which became the center of attraction for all fascists, was created in 1919. Relatively quickly, Adolf Hitler became the leader of this party. In the 1920s, the Nazis eked out a rather miserable existence. Fast growth their influence began during the economic crisis of 1929-1933.

Crisis of the Weimar Republic

The economic crisis also became the crisis of the Weimar Republic. Unprecedented unemployment, the mass ruin of peasants and artisans urgently demanded urgent measures from the authorities to alleviate the situation of the people. However, successive governments have become enslaved by outdated schemes, pursuing a policy of austerity, cutting back on already meager social spending. Such a policy could not but cause disappointment and gave rise to criticism not only of those who were in power, but of democracy in general. One way or another, during the years of the crisis, parties that opposed democracy began to gain strength, and among them, first of all, the Nazis, who promised to establish firm power and lead the country out of the crisis. The influence of the parties that supported the democratic foundations of the Weimar Republic fell, and in 1932 they already represented a minority of citizens. The Nazis became the largest political party in Germany.

The Nazis were supported by influential circles of big business in Germany. The working class was less affected by the Nazis, but a significant part of it also opposed the Weimar Republic, supporting the communists - supporters socialist revolution. The bitter struggle between the communists and the social democrats made it impossible for the left forces to take unified anti-fascist actions. The Nazis managed to win over young people who were disillusioned with democracy: 1/3 of the NSDAP members were people under the age of 30.

The electoral tactics used by the Nazis also affected the behavior of voters. Stormtroopers and SS men attacked rallies of political opponents, beat activists of other parties, and intimidated the population of entire districts. Their actions, in turn, demonstrated the weakness of the legitimate government, which proved unable to maintain elementary order and ensure the safety of citizens.

The rise of the Nazis to power

Representatives of the German military-bureaucratic elite played a fatal role in the fate of the Weimar Republic. In 1933 the crisis was close to an end. Supporters of Nazism lost faith in the possibility of coming to power, Hitler's influence began to decline. It was at this moment that the military-bureaucratic elite used their influence on President Hindenburg to hand over the mandate to form a government to Adolf Hitler. On January 20, 1933, he became Reich Chancellor - head of government.

Liquidation of democracy

Having gained access to executive power, the Nazis began the gradual elimination of democracy in Germany. As a pretext, the Reichstag fire was used, committed by a lone maniac, but who had a Communist Party membership card with him at the time of his arrest. The Nazis unleashed open terror against their political opponents. Then Hitler achieved the signing by Hindenburg of a special decree "On the Protection of the People and the State", which eliminated the basic rights of citizens and granted unlimited powers to punitive bodies. The principle of separation of powers that underlay the constitution of the Weimar Republic was abandoned. Legislative functions were transferred to the government. After the death of Hindenburg in 1934, the powers of the president were transferred to Hitler. Thus, all power in Germany was in the hands of Hitler, who became the "leader", "Führer" of Germany.

An administrative reform was also carried out, as a result of which local self-government bodies were liquidated. Power at all levels passed into the hands of officials appointed from above. In 1933, all political parties, except for the NSDAP, were formally banned. Such a radical breakdown of the state system and public life could not but be accompanied by violence and gave rise to an increased role of the punitive organs of the state. Assault and security detachments became part of this apparatus of violence. The secret police (Gestapo) was created in the country. Since 1933, concentration camps began to be created throughout Germany to contain all persons objectionable to the regime. The basic political rights of citizens were eliminated - freedom of speech, assembly, inviolability of the home, privacy of correspondence.

New economic system

Important changes have also taken place in the German economy. In order to get out of the crisis, the Hitler government went to the expansion state regulation economic life. The construction of a nationwide network of high-speed roads (autobahns) was launched at the expense of the state, which made it possible to drastically reduce the number of unemployed. Later, the focus was on the accelerated development of the military industry. Military spending in 1933-1938 increased from 620 million to 15.5 billion marks. Growth public spending led to a permanent budget deficit, which was covered by printing money. In order to prevent their depreciation and price increases, the government introduced price and wage controls and began a gradual transition to a card distribution system. This further increased the scale of state regulation of the economy.

A feature of the economy of Nazi Germany was the direct administrative regulation of the economy. To do this, all entrepreneurs were united by industry into special organizations - cartels - and subordinate to the Minister of Economy. In 1936, a four-year plan for the development of the military industry was announced. Hermann Goering was appointed commissioner for the implementation of this plan. The department he created took control of the entire economy of the country. The state became the direct owner of many enterprises, in most cases confiscated from the Jews in the course of the "Aryanization" of industry. The factories of the state concern Hermann Goering employed 600,000 people and smelted 7.29 million tons of steel per year.

The fascist state also established control over the labor market and labor relations. Here, too, the Nazis tried to introduce their idea of ​​the supremacy of national interests over class ones. They promoted the idea of ​​achieving harmony between labor and capital. Therefore, trade unions were liquidated in Nazi Germany, and the German Labor Front was created in their place, which included both workers and employers. The leaders of the enterprise became "leaders of the labor collective." control over labor relations and salary passed to special "trustees of labor", who were appointed by the government. It was soon supplemented by the introduction of universal labor service; now the state began to determine where the German should work.

The results of the transformation of the German economy

By the beginning of the Second World War, the German economy was radically transformed. While maintaining private property, the freedom of enterprise was significantly limited. The market for labor, goods and services has been replaced by state regulation. The market economy has practically ceased to function. It seemed that all these measures hastened Germany's exit from the crisis. In 1935, it reached the pre-crisis level of production, and by 1939 it had significantly surpassed it. Accordingly, unemployment decreased: in 1933 it amounted to 6 million people, in 1938 - 429.5 thousand. But there was nothing phenomenal in the revival of the German economy itself; since 1933, all Western countries entered a period of economic revival. Moreover, it must be borne in mind that the pace of economic recovery in Germany was largely predetermined by its militarization. The price of a faster way out of the crisis than in other countries was, ultimately, the complete elimination of the rights and freedoms of citizens. The price of these successes was the national tragedy of the Germans in 1945.

Life in Germany

Life in fascist Germany was far from the idyllic scenes created by the skillful propaganda of the Nazis. Violence has become widespread. By the beginning of 1935 alone, more than 4.2 thousand opponents of Nazism were killed, 517 thousand people were arrested. By the beginning of 1939, more than 300,000 people were imprisoned for political reasons. Hundreds of thousands of Germans emigrated, including literally the entire color of the creative intelligentsia - physicist Albert Einstein, writers Thomas and Heinrich Mann, Lion Feuchtwanger, Bertolt Brecht, composers Hans Eisner, Otto Klemperer, Paul Hindemith.

antisemitism

Anti-Semitism became the official policy of the fascist state. Already in the spring of 1933, a boycott of all Jewish-owned institutions, organized by the authorities, began. In 1935, a series of laws were passed that deprived Jews of German citizenship and forbade them from holding positions in the state apparatus. Mixed marriages were forbidden. Since 1939, Jews began to be evicted to specially designated houses and quarters - ghettos. They were forbidden to appear in public places, to engage in many activities. They were required to wear a yellow star sewn on their clothes at all times. On the night of November 9-10, 1938, the authorities organized a Jewish pogrom, the victims of which were tens of thousands of people. Thus, the ground was prepared for the extermination of the Jews, which began during the Second World War.

Control over people

Fascism sought to establish control over the minds of the people. Funds mass media- press, radio - were directly subordinated to the Minister of Propaganda Joseph Goebbels. Art was also put at the service of Nazism: artists, poets, composers had to glorify Hitler, sing the virtues of the Aryan race and the new order. The greatness of Germany was personified by huge, cyclopean architectural structures. Control over the population was also carried out through the coverage of Nazi organizations, drawing people into endless political campaigns. The German Labor Front consisted of 23 million people, the youth organization "Hitler Youth" ("Hitler Youth") - more than 8 million. Membership was almost mandatory. In addition, there were various National Socialist unions that united people according to professions, hobbies, etc. All Germans had to attend rallies and meetings, participate in public events.

Totalitarianism

The limitation of democracy in the 20th century took place in different forms. Any restriction of democracy is called authoritarianism. But the restrictions are different. When describing the regime established in Hungary by M. Horthy, we called it authoritarian, but a multi-party system was preserved there, and a parliament operated. The Nazis completely eliminated democracy. Such a regime is called totalitarian. Fascism in power is totalitarianism. Totalitarianism is an extreme form of authoritarianism. The signs of totalitarianism are a comprehensive ideology imposed on society (in Germany - National Socialism), the presence of one mass party, the use of terror as a means of governing the state, the use of the media as a propaganda tool, control by the party over the army, state control over the economy. A regime of this type was also created in the USSR.

Preparing for war

The coming of the Nazis to power in Germany changed the situation in Europe. The Versailles-Washington system was threatened. The Nazi program was originally aimed at revising the Treaty of Versailles. The diplomacy of the Weimar Republic also achieved the same, and succeeded in this. By the time the Nazis came to power, Germany was no longer paying reparations and was a member of the League of Nations. But these successes were achieved within the framework of the Versailles-Washington system itself. Germany's diplomats convinced everyone of the unfairness of its post-war status, skillfully playing on the contradictions between the great powers. Hitler's goal was the forcible establishment of world domination. He openly prepared for war, flouting the terms of the Treaty of Versailles along the way.

By 1939, universal conscription had already been restored in Germany, military aviation and tank troops had been created. Hitler annexed Austria to Germany and dismembered Czechoslovakia. Germany has become the strongest European power. Together with the annexed territories, it gave 15% of world industrial production, ahead of England and France. At the beginning of 1939, Germany was undoubtedly the strongest in overseas Europe an army of 2.75 million men with 10,000 guns, 3,200 tanks and more than 4,000 aircraft. Nazi Germany was ready to start a big war. And she started.

Kreder A.A. recent history foreign countries. 1914-1997

This is immediately an ideology, a political trend and a state regime aimed at the destruction of democratic principles and freedoms.

The ideology of fascism is anti-communism, racism (sorting peoples into “higher” and “lower”), chauvinism (preaching of national exceptionalism), the emergence of a cult of the leader (leader), violence, control over the individual, the total power of the state, militarization (building up military power) , aggression (use of force against the independence of other states or peoples), rejection of humanism, nationalism.

This ideology was supported by many. Even Pope Pius XI was delighted that Mussolini was not disturbed by the "prejudices of liberalism."

Socio-political roots and essence of fascism

The desire for dictatorship existed even before the appearance of the word "fascism". This concept gave rise to the global economic crisis of the 1930s., as an opportunity for monopolists to save their position in society, their fear of communism and the search for a ruler who could solve all social problems (get rid of poverty, hunger, unemployment, etc.).

The origin of fascism began in Western Europe. Italy and Germany were the first to do this, where the fascists managed not only to form their own party with a clearly formulated program, but also to come to power.

The social basis of fascism was lies and demagogy. The Nazis talked about the need to eliminate class inequality, promised to put an end to unemployment and economic crises. This deception was designed for the middle class, who lost their jobs and life prospects. Officials and the military, police and security guards, gendarmes and workers became fascists. Hitler also assured that he would give citizens the same rights and obligations. He swore to protect and uphold the laws of the Republic.

Dreams of conquering the whole world or most of it, dominating it did not interfere with international economic relations fascists. Moreover, their cooperation (political and military) with other countries began with the economy.

The backbone of fascism was the monopolies that sponsored it. For example, all the "coal and steel" concerns in Germany paid a mandatory contribution in the form of a tax to the presidential election campaign (1932), and three million marks of Thyssen (head of the "Steel Trust"), transferred to the Nazis during the elections, helped Hitler's agitation to reach stunning sizes. The Nazi Party, in return, gave them the opportunity to stay in power and dream of ending strikes and world domination.

Prerequisites for the emergence of fascism:

These are: dissatisfaction with the results of the 1st World War, reparations, territorial possessions, enshrined in the Versailles Treaty, a thirst for a revision of the Versailles-Washington system and the redivision of the world.

Causes of fascism:

  • consequences of the global economic crisis (in the economy, politics and social sphere): people believed the promises of the Nazis that their ideology would give a better life
  • fear of communism: Western monopolists could not allow the emergence of a system similar to Soviet Russia. This was directly opposed by fascism.

The history of the birth of fascism

The thesis "fascism", when faced with it, is perceived as a curse, although its translation and meaning does not represent anything terrible and terrible. Initially, this is just “alliance”, “unification”, i.e. a word that does not have the content that will appear in it later.

The roots of the Italian word "fascism" are of Latin origin: in ancient Rome, lictors (guards of the consul) carried bundles of rods called "fascis". Many socialists, republicans and labor unions of the 19th century used the thesis "fascio" - "union" in order to distinguish their groups.

In the first decades of the 20th century, the "union" called itself the right, which in 1917. united in the "Union of National Defense".

In 1915, the “Union of Revolutionary Actions” was formed, and in 1919, the militant “Union of Struggle” of Mussolini, from former front-line soldiers (right-wing / fascist / movement). It was called the Black Legion. In 1921 "unions" united, creating the "National Fascist Party" (NFP)

In this way, history of fascism in Western Europe begins with the formation of the fascist movement in Italy, led by Benito Mussolini, who considered war the highest manifestation of the human spirit, and revolution an explosion of violence.

Prerequisites for the emergence of fascism in Italy were due to the situation that arose after the First World War. The country was in the ranks of the winners, but was defeated, as it was seriously "deprived" by the Treaty of Versailles. Mussolini's dreams of redividing the world formed the basis for determining the ultimate goal that his party was to achieve.

The NFP of Italy was compared with the Escherich organization of Austria, the "Volunteer Corps" of Germany, with the "whites" of Russia, Hungary and Bavaria. Lenin equated them with the Russian "Black Hundreds", which gave impetus to the tendency to call all anti-revolutionary movements in Russia "fascist". Although individual communists (for example, Palmiro Togliatti, Antonio Gramsci, Clara Zetkin) argued that it was impossible to call all movements directed against democracy and communism "fascist", since in this case it was difficult to consider the specifics of Italian fascism.

The history of German fascism dates back to about the same time, but in the Land of Soviets, after the V World Congress of the Comintern (1924), it was decided not to differentiate not only the true manifestations of fascism, but also to call all parties of a non-communist nature “fascist”. So, for example, all social democratic parties were classified as fascist only because they stood in defense of parliamentary democracy.

An attempt to clarify was made by Georgy Dimitrov in 1935. during the 7th World Congress of the Comintern. But no one paid any attention to her.

History of German fascism as well as Italian, is rooted in the crisis phenomena of the economy and public life after the 1st World War.

Reasons for the birth of fascism in Germany these are: dissatisfaction with the results of the war (the idea of ​​​​creating a Great State), social discontent due to the decline of the economy (unemployment up to 50%, a reduction in production by 40%, strikes, strikes), fear of the communist movement (ready to seize power), reparations, restrictions, prohibitions and territorial changes of the Treaty of Versailles.

All this led to the creation of paramilitary "voluntary" formations with a semi-fascist character. One of them was the German Workers' Party, in which, thanks to the support of Captain E. Röhm in Munich, Adolf Hitler quickly found himself in the leadership from an agitator, renaming it the National Socialist German Workers' Party.

Soon enough, not only in Italy and Germany, but also in many other countries, the fascist movement acquired an organized character, action programs took shape, and numerous parties were formed.

It is with them that the further history of the birth of fascism, which covered many other European countries, is connected. However, in each country fascism had its own specifics. All of them initially differed economically and socially. Only their political situation was similar: democracy was not sustainable here. In addition to Italy and Germany, these were Spain, Austria and Hungary, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, Hungary and Romania, Finland, Poland and Lithuania. Thus, the interwar period became the "epoch of fascism".

The history of German fascism differs from others in its prerequisites laid down in the economy and the social sphere: the social support of fascism in Germany was not impoverished layers rural population, as in Italy, but the layers of small entrepreneurs ruined and declassed by the economic crisis. Fascism in these countries had more differences than similarities.

The emergence of fascism was encouraged by the governments of these countries, but only in some of them did the fascists occupy leadership positions at the top of power. Therefore, in each of the countries listed above, and not listed countries (France, England, USA), fascism took various forms, manifesting itself to a greater or lesser extent.

In Soviet literature, almost all countries of the world (from Austria to Japan) are described as "fascist". This seriously blurred the very concept of "fascism", turning it into a dirty word, and not noticing some similarities between the communist and fascist parties (for example, in the unacceptability of parliamentary democracy, the practice of power). Of course, they cannot be identified because of the global differences in the structure of power, goals and social systems to which they have led.

A detailed history of German fascism, French, Italian and many others is available in separate articles.

National specificity of fascism

in Italy- it was totalitarianism (full state control), the creation of a "corporate state" (where the class struggle was canceled), dreams of how the Mediterranean will turn into an "Italian lake", and an empire will be created in Africa (the revival of the "greatness of ancient Rome")

In Germany- it was Nazism with plans to eliminate the Versailles and Saint-Germain treaties, seize numerous lands and colonies and create Great Germany on them.

In England and France fascism was considered a measure to strengthen capitalism, and the coming war was considered a means of getting rid of the hated Soviet Union. But there was no direct threat to the monopolies in them, and they preferred to keep state structure democratic forms, leaving the "bench" to the fascist groups.

Fascist dictatorships were able to emerge only in a few states. Forms of dictatorships looked in different versions: fascist, monarcho-fascist, semi-fascist, military-dictatorial. Sometimes the names were generated by the locality ("sanation" in Poland).

In Bulgaria, Poland, Austria, Hungary, Romania At the same time, parliaments were not dissolved, but they served dictatorships, and only a small fraction of voting rights remained (so they were curtailed).

In Spain during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, the Cortes were dissolved.

In Yugoslavia after the coup (1929) the National Assembly was liquidated. The Italian Duce ruled the country while maintaining the power of the king.

A strong base of fascism has developed only in Germany and Italy. Here appeared the "fuhrership" - the power of dictators not limited by laws. There were no "fuhrers" in other states. Similarity was Piłsudski (Poland) and several rulers in Latin America.

The dictatorship of a number of countries had a monarcho-fascist form, that is, it was based on the power of the king (in Greece and Yugoslavia), the tsar (in Bulgaria), and the emperor (in Japan).

The differences of fascism in different countries were reduced to the degree of severity of racism, chauvinism, rejection of the communists and Soviet Russia as a whole, as well as the destruction of those who were against it.

The subject of research conducted by scientists from different countries under the auspices of studying the foundations and specifics of the functioning of the economy of a particular fascist state may differ depending on what exactly this or that researcher understands by fascism, and which states, in his personal opinion, are fascist . There is no consensus on the definition of fascism. Below we summarize the views of scientists who use the term "fascism", according to its definition, as a generalized name for specific extremeright-wing political movements, their ideologies , as well as led by thempolitical regimes dictatorial type. With regard to the economic side of the issue, many scientists note the presence in the political economy of fascism of elements corporatism.
Scientists point out that corporatism - one of the three key components of fascism, along with nationalism and totalitarianism - played the role of the most important constructive support in the economic policy of the fascist governments of Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain and other states. As a representative institutional structure, corporatism helped remove the usual conflicts of interest between social groups, propagating as an example the semi-fabulous "era of mutual assistance and mutual assistance" from the primitive past.
D. Baker and a number of other scientistsshowed that the economy (Baker also talks about political economy) fascism - special type economic system, which differs significantly from economic systems developing within the framework of other ideologies. However, S. Payne (Payne, Stanley G.) and several other analysts, finding similarities between the fascist and other forms of regulated capitalist economy, find no reason to single out the fascist as a separate group. Soviet social science in defining fascism also emphasized the commonality between fascist and other varietiesstate-monopoly capitalist economythat “fascism in power is a terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary forces of monopoly capital ...”, which is among the most important distinguishing features, including “wide use of state-monopoly methods of regulating the economy ...”, moreover, “the mass base of fascism is mainly the middle strata of capitalist society ".

Essential features of the economies of fascist states

The concept of "state-monopoly capitalism" (SMC) describes approximately the same phenomena as " dirigisme » - the policy of active intervention in the management of the economy by the state. Tibor Behrend, the author of The Economic History of Europe in the 20th Century (Cambridge, 2005), noted precisely these features in the economy of Nazi Germany: the government exerts a strong governing influence, effectively controlling the production and distribution of resources. At the same time, in general, with the exception of a few cases of nationalization, the economy of the fascist states developed on the basis of private property and private entrepreneurial initiative, but all this was subordinated to the tasks of the state.
In terms of relations between workers and entrepreneurs, fascism was guided by the principlessocial darwinism: to help the strongest, uprooting the weakest. In economic practice, this meant, on the one hand, the protection of the interests of successful entrepreneurs, and on the other, the destruction trade unions and other organizations working class ; "the use of extreme forms of violence to suppress the working class and all working people." As he wrote in 1936 G. Salvemini , speaking of the responsibility of taxpayers for private capitalist enterprises, the state thereby covers for the miscalculations of the capitalists: “profit is a private and individual matter; loss is a public and social matter. Fascist governments favored the pursuit of private business profits and gave large corporations significant indulgences, demanding in return that all of their economic activity served the public interest.
An essential element in the economic doctrine of the fascist parties was the belief that the economic suffering of the exploited classes would be a thing of the past once the nation had completed its cultural and spiritual rebirth; official anthem NSDAP « Horst Wessel "promised:" slavery did not have long to live "( German Die Knechtschaft dauert nur mehr kurze Zeit). However, since the issues of the destruction of exploitation have long been raised in Germany, including by the German Social Democrats, there was no unity of views on this issue at the level of ordinary members of the NSDAP, and often their opinions about the economic policy that they would support were diametrically opposed. .
When they came to power, the fascists adapted their economic doctrine to the political situation. In the history of regimes that existed for a long time (for example, in Italy under Mussolini ), there are regular, sometimes significant revisions of the economic course. According to S. Payne On the one hand, the Nazis defended private property as “innate in the concept of freedom and immediacy of the individual personality,” and on the other hand, to one degree or another, they limited the development of full-scale capitalism in all respects.
In 1919, at a rally onsquare of San Sepolcro in Milan Benito Mussolini stated:
We want to be aristocrats and democrats, conservatives and liberals, reactionaries and revolutionaries, legalists and anti-legalists, depending on the circumstances of time, place and situation.
Subsequently, the ideologists of fascism also opposedproletarian internationalism, and against liberal capitalism , stating that their views represent a certain third way (Italian) terza via), a real alternative to free competition capitalism at the same time ( laissez-faire ), and a planned socialist economy (in their terminology - communism ). The fascists advocated corporatism and class cooperation, believing - unlike the socialists - that the existence of inequality and the division of society into classes are a blessing. " Italian Encyclopedia» in 1932 wrote in the article “The Doctrine of Fascism”: “ Fascism perpetuates the inevitable, productive and beneficial inequality of people". Unlike supporters liberalism , the Nazis welcomed the participation of the state in the settlement of interclass contradictions.
The foreign economic policy of the fascist states proceeded from the need to achieve independence from foreign markets and foreign capital. Ensuring strict control over imports, the movement of finances between the country and abroad, in a number of cases the state resorted to a direct ban on certain foreign trade operations. However, to autarky this economic system did not strive, since this term implies complete isolation of reproductive processes, excluding not only imports, but also exports, while Italy did not refuse exports as a source of currency.
One of the most important essential characteristics of the economy of the fascist states was the extremely high degree of militarization - specific gravitymilitary items in the budget and total productgoing to military needs.

Political and economic doctrines of fascist Italy

Main article: Economy of Italy under Fascism, 1922-1943
Own "Union of revolutionary action" ("Fasci d" azione rivoluzionaria ") Mussolini created in 1915 , having almost 15 years of political experience behind him, accumulated in the ranks of the Italian socialists. Editor of the publications "Class struggle" from 1910 and " Avanti! » since 1912 Mussolini, on the one hand, knew and analyzed the mood in society, and on the other hand, as a journalist and politician, he formed them. The most numerous and active in Italy were unions carried out one after the other workers' rights strikes . In general activity working class Italy was high, and as a result of the elections, the Italian socialists were gaining popularity.
All this led to a counter-increase in the concern of big business and middle class , whose fears of a coming revolution intensified after the victoryOctober Revolution in Russiaand the subsequent revolutions in 1918 in Germany, and in 1919 - in Hungary, Bavaria etc. Meanwhile in March 1919 Mussolini reorganized his supporters into the Italian Struggle Groups, ( ital. Fasci italiani di combattimento) (in In 1921 they joined National Fascist Party). Having outlined in the program the demands against the monarchy, the Senate and the financial oligarchy, Mussolini attracted the sympathy of the petty bourgeoisie. During 1919-1921, his party finally became in opposition to the social democratic labor movement, joining in punitive actions against workers' organizations. A symbolic demonstration was the arson by the Nazis of the editorial office of Avanti!, which until recently was headed by Mussolini himself.
Ever since 1919 Mussolini, as a member of the Senate, establishes contacts with representatives of influential economic and political circles. Seeing that the traditional right-wing parties were unable to cope with the situation, they prompted the kingVictor Emmanuel IIIchoice in the person of Mussolini, as a person capable of holding a firm line and ensuring order. And when the king is in 1922 this choice was made, his appointed prime minister, Benito Mussolini, assured his recommenders: the new (fascist) "government will ensure complete freedom for private enterprise and refuse to interfere in the private sector."
Indeed, during the first four years (1922-1925), under the Minister of FinanceAlberto de Stefanicourse corresponded to the principles of non-intervention of the state in the economy ( laissez-faire ). Free competition was encouraged; de Stefani cut taxes, loosened legislative controls and trade restrictions, cut public spending and balanced the budget. Wereprivatizedsome state monopolies (for example, telephone networks). The operation of some of the former laws introduced by the socialists (for example, oninheritance tax) has been suspended. Prosperity increased during this period, and by the mid-1920s, production had surpassed pre-war levels. True, all this was accompanied by inflation. During this period, the economic policy of the fascist party basically followed the course ofclassical liberalism, with the addition of elements of greater stimulation of domestic production compared to foreign trade, as well as balancing the budget. In his speech delivered in May 1924 , Mussolini also declared support for the rights of workers to strike.
As Mussolini "strengthened the vertical of power", the ideas of liberalism were supplanted by precedents of state intervention in the economy, "free trade - by protectionism, and the goals of economic growth were formulated in the language of exhortations and military command terminology." Under pressure from the "captains of the Italian industry", who demanded for domestic manufacturersprotection from foreign competitionand subsidies in the domestic market, de Stefani resigned in 1925. In 1926, Mussolini gave an impassioned speech, demanding that the financiers stop inflation and stabilize the exchange rate. lyre . He also introduced an official ban on any strike action. Under the next ministers of finance, in 1927-1929, Italy pursued a deflationary policy.
In the years world economic crisis of 1929–33Italy has suffered in the same way as other countries withmarket economy. Unemployment rose from 300,787 in 1929 to 1,018,953 in 1933. In an attempt to stop the crisis, the government nationalized large banks, which had securities of large industrial enterprises in their resources. There were also issued new securities in order to provide credit resources to banks and start providing financial assistance cartels (in Italy they were called consortiums, ital. consorzi), which were created in the country by the "captains of industry" after 1922. These organizations were promised support by the government in exchange for an obligation to pursue a price policy in accordance with the prices that the state was supposed to dictate. Not in Germany, but precisely in Italy, by the forces of the former unemployed, attracted to work on state orders, already in 1924 built the world's first motorway ( German autobahn) Milan- Varese.
In Italy, a number of enterprises of mixed ownership were created, which were called ital. istituti or enti nationali("institutions" or "national enterprises"), the purpose of which was the joint management of large enterprises. In these institutions, representatives of the state and the private sector jointly found compromise solutions to determine the economic course of these enterprises, their price and wage policies. According to the government, this task was successfully solved, as the country managed to survive the crisis without encroaching on private property. AT 1934 The Minister of Agriculture of Italy stated: "While everywhere in the world private property bears the heavy burden of the crisis and suffers from its blows, in Italy, thanks to the actions of the fascist government, private property is not only preserved, but even strengthened."
The joint activity of the state and large industrialists in the management of private enterprises soon went beyond the economy into the sphere of politics, and thus the well-known model was born.state-monopoly regulationeconomy known as corporatism . At the end of the world crisis, after 1934 in Italy (as well as in other countries - see. O. Spann ) began to spread theories of universalism, an integral part of which was the idea autarky as at least a temporary way to avoid the negative impact of the world market on the national economy. It seemed to many that if it were not for dependence on foreign markets, the global crisis could have been avoided. From that time on, tariff and non-tariff barriers began to be introduced in Italy's foreign trade., and in 1935 Mussolini solemnly announced that already three-quarters of the country's industrial production does not depend on the external market, but only on the government.
The state began to provide significant financial support the largest enterprises and banks. One of the first to receive such assistance in the amount of 400 million liras was a metallurgical trust. Gio. Ansaldo & C. . During the crisis deflation (after 1926 ) state support received such banks as Banco di Roma, Banco di Napoli and Banco di Sicilia . To save large unprofitable companies in 1933, Mussolini created the IRI -Institute for Industrial Reconstruction . By 1939 through the system public corporationsIRI controlled 20% of Italian industrial production (including 75% of smelting cast iron and 90% in shipbuilding ), two-thirds of telephone communications, a quarter of electric motors and about 1/6 of other equipment.
Mussolini's government adopted the Keynesian model of expanding budget spending on public needs in order to stimulate the effective demand of the population. Between 1929 and 1934, these expenditures tripled. In terms of their magnitude, these expenditures have become the largest item in the budget, exceeding even military spending.
The belief in the correctness of the course towards self-sufficiency as the basis of the country's economic security became stronger after 1935 League of Nations imposed sanctions against Italy in connection with the startItalo-Ethiopian War. The sanctions did not have the expected effect, since Italy was already ready for "autarky". Moreover, Mussolini even "exacerbated" these sanctions by imposing a strict ban on the import of many consumer goods. The Italians supported the campaign to support domestic producers under the slogan " I prefer Italian products» ( ital. Preferite il Prodotto Italiano). In May 1935, the government called on citizens to hand over all their securities of other states to the Bank of Italy. And although July 15, 1936 economic sanctions against Italy were lifted, the country's course towards economic self-sufficiency continued.
The corporatist model, combined with Keynesian methods of demand management, operated in Italy throughout the 1930s. To 1939 the share of state-owned enterprises in the economy in Italy was the highest in the world compared to other countries with market economies. However, then the foreign policy ambitions of the Nazis led to the expansion of military activity outside the country. July 17, 1936 began Spanish Civil Warin which Mussolini sided Franco against the left forces and began to supply him with weapons and troops.
Signing September 27, 1940 Tripartite Pact, which included Italy in the number Axis countries led to an increase in military spending. The need to reorganize the country's economic management on a military footing caused irreversible disruption in the corporatist model: now the government had to force industrialists to finance what they perceived as a disaster. But the economy functioned; its collapse came only afterAnglo-American landing in Italy, which entailed the destruction of the political, and then the economic infrastructure. Until the endSecond World WarItaly's economy was in ruins 1944 per capita income fell to the level of the beginning of the 20th century.

Political and economic doctrines of Nazi Germany

Main articles: Economy of the Third Reich , Reinhardt program
Referring to a number of statements by Hitler himself and documents NSDAP , it is sometimes believed that in Germany, with Hitler economic doctrines were neglected. Indeed, at the dawn of German fascism, in 1922 Hitler wrote: world history teaches us that not a single person has yet become great thanks to the economy, but very many have suffered because of it, ”and concluded that“ the economy is something of little importance. Arguing that Hitler and his associates strongly idealized history, focusing on "a small group of people armed with higher ideals" as its creators, G. Turner believes that they ignored all economic problems, allegedly because they were "too material" for them. In confirmation, the American scholar quotes Hitler, who blamed all his predecessors up to Bismarck for "subordinating the nation to materialism", emphasizing more on peaceful economic development than on military expansion. From this, Turner concludes that German fascism did not have a clearly defined economic program. However, before 1933 it is expedient to speak not about the economic doctrines of German fascism, but only about policy statements designed for the political situation and not tested by time - in contrast to Italy, where Mussolini, being in power since 1922 , repeatedly changed not only the set of slogans, but also the real economic course.
Appeals " Programs "25 points"”: against unearned and easy income (paragraph 11), for the confiscation of the results of personal enrichment in the war (paragraph 12) and the nationalization of trusts and joint-stock companies(p. 13), for the participation of workers in the profits of large commercial enterprises (p. 14), decent pensions (p. 15), for land reform and gratuitous confiscation of land for public needs, etc. were addressed only to the voters of 1920, when this program was drawn up. AT 1924 its co-author, Gottfried Feder , developed a new draft program, in 39 points, where something was strengthened, something was replaced, and a lot was added. But after 1925 Hitler stopped discussing the party program, saying that it was "unshakable." He never brought it up for public discussion, did not refer to its provisions, but in “ Mein Kampf "He only casually mentioned her:" the so-called. movement program.
Before coming to power, the comparisons that Hitler made with the views of his main opponents in the German political arena -social democrats and communists also depended on the situation. On the May Day 1927 The Fuhrer declared: "We are socialists, we are enemies of the economic system of capitalism." But after that, Hitler systematically alienated himself from identification with Marxists: “we have nothing to do with Marxist socialism”, “Marxism is against private property, but real [National] Socialism is not”, etc. Still later, he exclaimed: “Socialism? The word itself is unfortunate... What is socialism, in fact? If a person has something for food and something for pleasure - this is socialism.
His arguments about the causes of the “failure” of social democracy are also noteworthy. “National socialism - that's what Marxism could become if it discarded all crazy ideas about democracy ... Why socialize banks and factories? We socialize human souls." March 24, 1942 in a private conversation, Hitler said that he "absolutely insists on the protection of private property" and for the encouragement of private enterprise initiative. In another conversation, he spoke in favor of the state having the authority to regulate the use of private property for the benefit of the people. And finally, one day he said that "The main feature of our economic theory is that we have no theory." This phrase G.-I. Brown interprets seriously as follows: "Hitler clearly believed that the lack of a precise economic program was one of the prerequisites for the strength of the Nazi Party."
Reasoning about social darwinismas one of the foundationsHitler's political views, about natural selectionas the leading force in the development of a society of human individuals, about the merciless struggle between countries and races , in which a strong centralized state, led by supermen, etc., must win.- all this, focusing on the individual traits of Hitler, leads the conversation away from the question: on what conceptual foundations did the German economy provide such a potential for 12 years, which was only possible to cope with by the collective efforts of all the largest states of the world, regardless of their ideological and political disagreements.
1933-1939
Becoming Reich Chancellor in 1933, Hitler already on March 17 returned to the presidency Reichsbank Hjalmar Mine - at that time the main representative of the AmericanJ.P. Morgan Financial Corporation. Simultaneously Schacht's predecessor at the Reichsbank (1930–33) and former Chancellor (1925–26) Hans Luther (represented Germany in 1924 when discussing Dawes plan ) was sent as ambassador to USA.
Former party affiliation of both (Shakht was once a member NDP, Luther - NDP ) was not of decisive importance either for the country's economic course or for organizing external cash flows to provide the German economy with monetary resources. From the consequencesworld economic crisisboth Luther and, at first, Schacht defended the German economy by methods that were later called Keynesian. M. Kalecki et al. designated this variety by the term "militaristic Keynesianism».
The state went on a large-scalepublic building costswhich were covered bydeficit financing from the budget. So, for example, hundreds of kilometers of famous German autobahns. First Autobahn Cologne-Bonn , built by the forces of former unemployed, was opened even before Hitler, August 6, 1932 . But after 1933, when road construction was headed by F. Todt, his organization brought the length of autobahns from 108 km in 1935 to 3736 km in 1940 . Unemployment , reaching at the beginning 1933 30%, began to fall sharply.
The implementation of this policy would have been impossible without strict control over the two components of inflation - the rise in prices at the initiative of the capitalists and the rise in wages at the request of the trade unions. The Nazis banned unions and strikes while enforcing strict price controls. In June 1933 was launched " Reinhardt program”, named after the secretary of state of the Ministry of FinanceFritz Reinhardt(not to be confused with Operation Reinhard"). It was a massive infrastructure project where indirect incentives (tax cuts) were used to encourage direct investment in public value projects - not just autobahns, but railroads and waterways. A by-product of it was an increase in the demand of the population for cars.
All these measures helped to avoid inflation . Economists see the prerequisites for this, in part, in the introduction fiduciary (fiat ) means of circulation. They were issued by the Treasury without the necessary gold coverage from the reserves. Reichsbank.
Soon Y. Shakht was given even broader powers, and in August 1934 he headed the Ministry of Economics. Reinhardt's program was followed by a number of other similar initiatives. From 666 thousand to 1933 the number of construction workers increased by 1936 up to 2 million. AT 1936 the share of military spending in Germany's GNP was 10% - higher than in any other country in Europe. But this figure continued to grow and subsequently. Part of the military spending was strategic government purchases of food and manufactured goods.
1936 turned out to be critical for the German economy: prices for raw materials (the main volume of imports) began to grow, and for finished products (the main volume of exports) to fall. A trade deficit seemed inevitable. However, here Hitler, following Mussolini, set a course for the self-sufficiency of the national economy. However, Germany was more dependent than Italy on the import of raw materials, and therefore the task of complete autarky not set here. Instead, among the trading partners, a group of states was singled out, on which Germany made a political bet. In addition to Italy, these were: Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, Greece, Yugoslavia. Trade with them was encouraged (by 1938, more than half of their exports went to Germany), while curtailing with those who were not included in the preferential list - with the exception of England and the USA, the volume and composition of trade with which the Ministry of Economics regulated, focusing on the previously established a system of communications dominated by the interests of the largest I.G. Farben and other German corporations. A differentiated foreign trade policy helped Germany to strengthen its political influence in southern Europe and the Balkans.
In a special area of ​​attention, Schacht singled out the turnover with the United States - a country whose economic interests were oriented by the Americans Dawes and then Jung reparations system, and the interests of whose banks, as ambassador, he carefully guarded in 1933–38 Hans Luther - the predecessor of Schacht in the Reichsbank and Hitler - as Reich Chancellor. The shares of the IG Farbenindustry subsidiary were listed in the US throughout the war, and the Americans received income from them. Shakht developed a mechanism for "fine-tuning" the balance of payments with the United States, assigning a series ofauthorized banks- in particular, J. P. Morgan. These banks maintained private and corporate accounts in dollars of Germans and German companies. At the same time, papers were issued to American firms exporting to Germany ( English scripts), which represented an authorization for the counter-purchase in Germany of goods for the indicated amount. From the same amounts, Americans traveling in Nazi Germany were given traveler's checks .
Organizationally, not only Germany's foreign trade, but also domestic turnover were tied mainly to cartels, monopolies and oligopolies, whose interests the state protected.
Monopolistic price fixing has become the rule for most industries; cartels were formed not only in heavy industry and other highly developed industries... Cartels and quasi-cartels, large and small, set prices, production quotas and fixed the division of markets, extracting monopoly profits.
- Arthur Schweitzer. Big Business in the Third Reich.
Here, the structure inherited from the time of the military procurement committee of the First World War, which 1919 German militarists carefully recreated under the name "Imperial Union of German Industry". June 19, 1933 it was merged, together with the Federation of Employers' Associations, into a singleImperial Administration of German Industry, dominated by the largest representativesmilitary-industrial complex (MIC) Germany.
Unlike the communists, Hitler did not fight against private property interests, but encouraged them. However, it was not " middle class ”, on whose votes Hitler came to power, and the largest capitalists, to whom a number of high-ranking generals were soon added. The corresponding triangle of economic power (party bosses - big business generals), according to Schweitzer, had already formed by 1938. The ideas of socialism for the middle class, the author believes, were discarded, collective agreements and trade unions were banned. The interests of the monopolies, which received preferential support from the state in comparison with small entrepreneurs, and made super profits, increasingly merged with the interests of the fascist government.. It is noted that the ideas of nationalization at that time in Germany were less popular than in the West.
With the beginning of the seizure of adjacent territories and the transition to direct hostilities, Germany immediately included the resources of the occupied countries in its economic circulation. At the same time (cf. Bakke's plan , "Hunger Plan") for their own survival, these territories were often left below the subsistence level. Even before the war in the systemforced labor labor camps were set up , where "unwanted elements" were sent ( German unzuverlassige elemente): homosexuals, vagabonds, etc. Forced labor was also practiced inpenitentiary system, where under the Nazis, in addition to criminals, they began to en masse communists, jews and some dissenters.
By 1944 between 1/5 and 1/4 of the entire workforce in Germany were foreigners, including civilians and prisoners of war . Hundreds of thousands of Jews Slavs and representatives of other peoples constituted a resource of practically free, slave labor in factories Thyssen, Krupp, IG Farben ; was no exception and Fordwerke - a subsidiary of Ford Motor Company . In fact, there was not a single more or less large industrial or agricultural enterprise where the slave labor of prisoners of war or internees would not be used. In case of successOperation Sea Lionthis contingent was to be replenished by citizens Great Britain .
annexed, occupied territories, as well as countries where the Nazis plantedpuppet regimes, sold raw materials and agricultural products to Germany at minimum prices. In this regard, the goal of the struggle forliving space in the East(German Lebensraum im Osten), put forward by Hitler back in Mein Kampf, gave the German economy tangible results, even despitepartisan movement in the USSR. In the west of Europe, the reduction in the needs of the economies of subject countries was also used in favor of Germany; for example, about 2/3 of the wagon fleet of France in the territory occupied by the Germans was used to transport goods to Germany.
Thus, in the first years of active hostilities, the population of Germany did not feel this in their standard of living. Unlike most countries, Germany practically did not increase the level of taxes, and if in 1941 in Great Britain the income tax reached 23.7%, then in Germany it was only 13.7%. However, after 1942, the share of military spending began to grow, and as the losses of previously occupied territories in the USSR, Germany was forced to restructure its production facilities. Civil production was curtailed; where possible, the production of goods for the army was organized, and military administration was introduced at these enterprises.

Political and economic doctrines of fascist Spain

Unlike Italy and Germany, inWorld War ISpain remained neutral. First XX century the country became dependent on British and French capital. In 1915, they accounted for 54% and 34.5% of foreign direct investment, respectively. But after the end of the war, Spanish industry lost its favorable situation on the world market, and foreign investors switched to more profitable facilities. As a result, the decline in production in a number of industries and the foreign trade deficit led to inflation and rising unemployment. The land question was not resolved either, in connection with which the class of landowners had a certain strength. latifundists and agriculture was backward.
Spain also differed in the type of socialist ideas that dominated at the beginning XX century in the masses: in contrast tosocial democracyin Western and Eastern Europe, dominated hereanarcho-syndicalism. Working class the country was weak and few in number; the main mouthpiece of his interests -National Confederation of Labor- formed only in 1911 , while at first covering not the whole country, but only Catalonia . Even later, the left flank of the socialist movement took shape in Spain:First Communist Party (IKP)formed here only 1920 , and by the time of leaving the underground in 1931 KPI consisted of only 800 people.
However, back in 1919 the governmentCount Romanonesadopted in Spain decrees on the 8-hour working day, on old-age insurance and unemployment benefits, thus forestalling the appearance of relevant requirements in the opposition's programs. By 1921, the process of developing land, as well as other democratic reforms, which continued into cortes , began to meet the resistance of the latifundists, who demanded the creation of a "firm hand" government. On March 8, 1921, three Catalan anarchists shot and killed the President of the Council of Ministers. E. Dato . Democratic processes were interrupted; taken a few months laterAdventure in Morocco turned around the defeat of the Spanish army at Anval, which was followed by a powerful public protest, supported by all parties of the anti-monarchist opposition. Putsch September 13, 1923 General M. Primo de Riverawas, in the words of D. Ratcliffe, only "an attempt to stop the clock of the political history of Spain."

Tests.

Test #1

1. What is the subject of economic policy as a science

a) a set of measures and restrictions of a legal nature aimed at creating conditions for the effective interaction of independent economic entities;
b) targeted creation of framework conditions in a market economy and targeted impact on economic processes;
c) the behavior of the state in the economy, which is designed to designate and express the total will of society and fulfill it in the decisions and actions of the government that characterize economic processes ;
d) all of the above.

2. Legal policy governing economic activity, economic order policy, integration and foreign policy, economic impact policy, growth policy and structural policy, environmental policy are:

a) economic policy instruments;
b) areas of economic policy;
c) tasks of economic policy;
d) strategic starting points.

3. Which of the listed functions are not the tasks of the allocation policy

a) state orders to private business and own state production activities;
b) legal proceedings and the exercise of power;
c) the distribution of resources between different areas in the private sector through subsidies, transfers, taxes and fees;
d) all of the above are the tasks of the allocation policy.

4. Which of the provided economic orders are not considered in the theory of V. Eucken
etc.................

FASCISM, socio-political trend that arose in the early 20th century. It includes movements, ideas and political regimes, which, depending on the country and variety, could have different names: fascism proper, national socialism, national syndicalism etc. However, they all have a number of common features.Rise of fascist movements. The roots of fascist ideas and movements go back to the extreme European nationalism of the 19th century. It acquired its most militant forms in those countries where, as in Germany and Italy, due to political fragmentation, the creation of a nation-state was delayed, or in nation-states that suffered heavy military defeats, such as in France after the Franco-Prussian war. The emergence of fascist sentiments was associated with a conservative reaction to the rapid social changes in European societies in the second half of the 19th century. industrialization, concentration of financial and business property, etc. Like traditional conservatism, new nationalist currents declared their commitment to the idea of ​​the existence of "natural elites" and hostility to the spirit of the Enlightenment. However, unlike him, they turnedto the general population. Their social base consisted mainly of social strata that lost out in the course of industrialization and competition with successful large owners and harbored a fear of an organized labor movement. It was a kind of “radicalism of the middle”, which did not shy away from stigmatizing the existing order and the rule of the oligarchy and resorting to extra-parliamentary methods and mass actions, not paying attention to the principles of legality, legality and constitutional democracy. Unlike the socialists, these nationalist currents did not question the principles of private property, the market, or wage labor. They advocated "healthy and productive", "national" capital as opposed to "parasitic" and "anti-national". Ultra-nationalists praised the struggle for existence, competition and the triumph of the strong, demanded the creation of a dictatorial strong state, including to solveeconomic and social problems, to protect small and medium-sized owners.

The psychological basis for the growth of pre-fascist, and then fascist sentiments was the phenomenon that the famous philosopher Erich Fromm defined as "flight from freedom." The “little man” felt lonely and helpless in a society where he was dominated by faceless economic laws and gigantic bureaucratic institutions, and traditional ties to its social environment were blurred or severed. Having lost the "chains" of neighborhood, family, communal "unity", people felt the need for some kind of replacement for the community. They often found such a substitute in a sense of belonging to the nation, in an authoritarian and paramilitary organization, or in a totalitarian ideology.

It was on this basis at the beginning of the twentieth century. the first groups appeared that stood at the origins of the fascist movement. It was most developed in Italy and Germany, which was facilitated by unresolved social, economic and political problems that sharply worsened against the general background of world upheavals and crises of the era.

World War I was accompanied by a nationalistic and militaristic frenzy. A wave of mass chauvinism, prepared by decades of propaganda, swept over European countries. In Italy, a movement arose of supporters of the country's entry into the war on the side of the Entente powers (the so-called "interventionists"). It brought together nationalists, part of the socialists, representatives of the artistic avant-garde (“Futurists”), and others. The leader of the movement was one of the former leaders of Mussolini’s Italian Socialist Party, expelled from its ranks for calling for war. November 15, 1914 Mussolini began publishing the newspaper Popolo d" Italy", in which he called for a "national and social revolution", and then led the movement of supporters of the war "fascis of revolutionary action". Members of the fascists held stormy pro-war manifestations, which in May 1915 resulted in a wave of pogroms directed against the citizens of Austria-Hungary and Germany and supporters of the country's neutrality, in an attack on parliament. As a result, they managed to draw Italy into the war, against the will of the majority of the population and a significant part of the politicians. Subsequently, the Nazis considered this performance the starting point of their movement.

The course and consequences of the First World War came as a shock to European society. The war caused a deep crisis of established norms and values, moral restrictions were discarded; habitual human notions, first of all about the value of human life, have been revised.

People who returned from the war could not find themselves in a peaceful life, from which they managed to wean themselves. The socio-political system was shaken by a revolutionary wave that in 1917-1921 swept Russia, Spain, Finland, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Italy and other European countries. In Germany, an ideological vacuum was added to this, which arose with the fall of the monarchy in November 1918 and the unpopularity of the regime of the Weimar Republic. The situation was aggravated by acute post-war economic crisis, which hit small entrepreneurs, merchants, shopkeepers, peasants, and employees especially painfully. The resulting complex of social problems was associated in the public mind with the unsuccessful outcome of the war: military defeat and the hardships of the Treaty of Versailles in Germany, or with the unfavorable results of the redivision of the world in Italy (the feeling of a “stolen victory”). Wide sections of society imagined a way out of this situation by establishing a rigid, authoritarian government. It was this idea that was adopted by the fascist movements that arose after the war in various European countries.

The main social base of these movements was the radical part of small and medium-sized entrepreneurs and merchants, shopkeepers, artisans, and employees. These strata were largely disappointed in the course of competition with large owners and with economic rivals on the world stage, as well as in the ability of a democratic state to provide them with prosperity, stability and an acceptable social status. Having merged with the declassed elements, they put forward their own leaders who promised to solve their problems by creating new system total power, strong, national, corresponding to their views and interests. However, the phenomenon of fascism went far beyond the limits of a single stratum of small and medium proprietors. It also captured a part of the working people, among whom the norms of authoritarian and nationalist psychology and value orientation were also widely spread. The monstrous pressure exerted on members of society by constant tension, monotonous work, uncertainty about the future, growing dependence on powerful state and economic structures control and subjugation, increases general irritability and hidden aggressiveness, which is easily translated into racism and hatred of "strangers" (xenophobia). The mass consciousness turned out to be largely prepared for the perception of totalitarianism by the entire previous history of the development of society.

In addition, the spread of fascist sentiments was associated with a general change in the role of state power in the 20th century. She increasingly took on previously uncharacteristic social and economic functions and this has fueled a growing demand for authoritarian, coercive and forceful solutions to problems. Finally, the fascists were also supported by a part of the former economic and political elite of a number of countries, in the hope that a strong dictatorial power would contribute to economic and political modernization, help solve economic difficulties, suppress the social movements of workers and, through the concentration of forces and resources, overtake competitors on the world stage. . All these factors and sentiments contributed to the coming of the Nazis to power in a number of European states in the 1920s and 1930s.

Italian fascism took shape first. On March 23, 1919, at a congress of former front-line soldiers in Milan, the birth of the fascist movement was officially proclaimed, led by Mussolini, who received the title of "leader" "Duce" (duce). It became known as the National Fascist Party. Detachments and groups of "fascists

» quickly popped up all over the country. Just three weeks later, on April 15, by shooting down a left-wing demonstration and destroying the editorial office of the socialist newspaper Avanti, the Nazis, in essence, unleashed a “creeping” civil war.

The formation of the fascist movement in Germany also belongs to the same period. Here it was not originally formalized into a single organization, but consisted of various, often competing groupings. In January 1919, on the basis of radical nationalist political circles, the German Workers' Party was formed, which was later renamed the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP), and its members began to be called "Nazis". Soon the leader ("Fuhrer") of the NSDAP was a native of army circles, Hitler. Other fascist organizations no less influential at that time in Germany were the Black Reichswehr, the Anti-Bolshevik League, paramilitary societies, groups of adherents of the "conservative revolution", "National Bolsheviks", etc. The tactics of the German fascists included terror and the preparation of an armed seizure of power. In 1923, ultra-right groups led by the Nazis mutinied in Munich ("beer putsch"), but it was quickly suppressed.

Establishment of fascist dictatorships. In none of the countries did the fascist movements manage to come to power with the support of the vast majority of the population. The victory of the fascists each time was the result of a combination of a campaign of terror and violence launched by them, on the one hand, and maneuvers favorable to them by the ruling political and economic elites, on the other.

In Italy, the triumph of Mussolini's party came in the face of weakness and a growing crisis in the system of liberal democracy. ruling system remained at the top, its official goals and principles remained alien and incomprehensible to the broad masses of the population; political instability grew, governments were replaced one after another. The influence of traditional parties fell sharply, the emergence of new forces paralyzed the functioning of parliamentary institutions to a large extent. Mass strikes, occupations of enterprises by workers, peasant unrest, and the economic depression of 1921, which caused the collapse of steel mills and the Bank Disconto, prompted large industrialists and agrarians to incline towards the idea of ​​a tough domestic and foreign policy. But the constitutional power proved too weak both to suppress the growing revolutionary movement and to carry out deep social reforms which would allow the masses to come to terms with the existing social order.

Besides, liberal system in Italy was not able to ensure successful foreign expansion and colonial policy, could not mitigate the uneven development of individual regions and overcome local and group particularism, without which it was impossible to ensure the further progress of Italian capitalism and the completion of the formation of the national state. Under these conditions, many industrial and financial corporations, as well as part of the state, military and police apparatus came out for "strong power"

, even if only in the form of fascist rule. They actively financed Mussolini's party and condoned pogroms. Fascist candidates were included on government electoral lists in the municipal elections in November 1920 and in the parliamentary elections in May.1921. By ministerial decrees, left-wing municipalities, previously attacked or defeated by Mussolini's followers, were dissolved. On the ground, many authorities, the army and the police openly assisted the Nazis, helped them get weapons and even defendedthem from the resistance of the workers. After the authorities made new economic concessions to the workers in October 1922, decisive negotiations took place in Milan between Mussolini and representatives of the industrialists' union, at which the creation of a newgovernments led by fascists. After that, the Fascist leader announced the March on Rome on October 28, 1922, and the next day the King of Italy instructed Mussolini to form such a cabinet.

The fascist regime in Italy gradually acquired a pronounced totalitarian character. Throughout 1925-1929, the omnipotence of the state was consolidated, a monopoly of the fascist party, press and ideology was established, a system of fascist professional corporations was created. The period 1929-1939 was characterized by a further concentration of state power and the growth of its control over economic and social relations, an increase in the role of the fascist party in the state and society, and an accelerated process of fascisization.

In Germany, by contrast, fascist groups failed to seize power in the early 1920s. Economic stabilization after 1923 calmed the masses of small proprietors and led to a temporary decline in the influence of the far right. The situation changed again in the conditions of the "great crisis" of 1929-1932. This time, the diversity of far-right organizations was supplanted by a single, powerful and cohesive National Socialist party. Support for the Nazis began to grow rapidly: in the parliamentary elections of 1928, their party received only 2.6% of the vote, in 1930 already 18.3%, in July 1932 34.7%

the votes of the electorate.

The "Great Crisis" was accompanied in almost all countries by an increase in tendencies towards state intervention in the economic and social life to the creation of mechanisms and institutions of strong state power. In Germany, the main contenders for such power were the National Socialists. The political system of the "Weimar Democracy" no longer satisfied either the broad masses of the population or the ruling elites. Under the conditions of the crisis, economic opportunities for social maneuvering and concessions to employees were largely exhausted, and austerity measures, wage cuts, etc. met with the resistance of powerful trade unions. Republican governments, which since 1930 did not have the support of a majority either in society or in parliament, did not have sufficient strength and authority to break this opposition. The expansion of the German economy abroad was restrained by the policy of protectionism, to which many states switched in response to the global economic crisis, and investments in the non-military sphere turned out to be unprofitable due to mass unemployment and a fall in the purchasing power of the population. Industrial circles came into close contact with the Nazis, the party received generous financial injections. During meetings with the leaders of German industry, Hitler managed to convince his partners that only the regime he led could overcome the problems of investment and suppress any protests from the workers through the buildup of armaments.

Signs of an easing economic depression in late 1932 did not cause the industrialists-Hitler supporters to change course. They were prompted to continue the same line by the uneven development of various industries, huge unemployment, which could only be dealt with by governmental support economy and planning, as well as attempts by part of the ruling circles, headed by General Kurt Schleicher, who headed the government in December 1932, to negotiate with the trade unions. Anti-union forces in the business environment preferred to induce President Paul von Hindenburg to hand over power to the Nazis. January 30, 1933 Hitler was appointed head of the German government.

Thus, the establishment of fascist regimes in Italy and Germany occurred as a result of the combination in emergency conditions of the economic and state-political crisis of two different factors - the growth of fascist movements and the desire of part of the ruling circles to transfer power to them in the hope of using them for their own purposes. Therefore, the fascist regime itself was to some extent in the nature of a compromise between the new and old ruling elites and social groups. The partners made mutual concessions: the fascists refused the measures promised and supported by small proprietors against big capital. Big capital allowed the fascists to power and agreed with the measures of strict state regulation of the economy and labor relations.

Ideology and social base of fascism. In ideological terms, fascism was a mixture of various ideologies. But this does not mean that he did not have his own doctrines and features characteristic of him.

The basis of the fascist view of the world and society was the social Darwinist understanding of the life of an individual, a nation and humanity as a whole as active aggression, a biological struggle for existence. Wins, from the point of view of the fascist, always the strongest. Such is the supreme law, the objective will of life and history. Social harmony is obviously impossible for fascists, and war is the highest heroic and ennobling effort of human forces. They fully shared the idea expressed

Filippo Marinetti Tomaso, the leader of the Italian artistic movement "futurists", the author of the first manifesto of futurism, who later became a fascist: "Long live war only it can purify the world." "Live dangerously!" liked to repeat Mussolini.

Fascism denied humanism and the value of the human person. It should have been subordinated to the absolute, total (comprehensive) whole nation, state, party. The Italian fascists declared that they recognized the individual only in so far as "because he coincides with the state, representing the universal consciousness and will of man in his historical existence." The program of the German Nazi Party proclaimed: "The common good is greater than the personal good." Hitler often emphasized that the world was undergoing a transition "from feeling

'I' to feeling 'we' , from the rights of the individual to fidelity to duty and responsibility to society. He called this new state "socialism".

At the center of the fascist doctrine was not a person, but a collective nation (for the German Nazis "the people's community"). The nation is the "highest personality", the state "the immutable consciousness and spirit of the nation", and the fascist state "the highest and most powerful form of personality", wrote Mussolini. At the same time, in various theories of fascism, the essence and formation of the nation could be interpreted in different ways. Thus, for the Italian fascists, the defining moments were not ethnicity, racial affiliation or a common history, but "a single consciousness and a common will", the bearer of which was the national state. “For a fascist, everything is in the state, and nothing human and spiritual exists, and even more so, has no value outside the state,” taught “Duce

" . In this sense, fascism is totalitarian, and the fascist state, as a synthesis and unity of all values, interprets and develops the entire life of the people, and also enhances its rhythm.”

The German Nazis professed a different, biological view of the nation - the so-called "racial theory". They believed that in nature there is an "iron law" of the perniciousness of mixing living species. Mixing ("metization") leads to degradation and interferes with the formation of higher forms of life. In the course of the struggle for existence and natural selection, weaker, “racially inferior” creatures must die, the Nazis believed. This, in their opinion, corresponded to the "desire of nature" for the development of the species and the "improvement of the breed." Otherwise, the weak majority would crowd out the strong minority. That is why nature must be harsh on the weak.

The Nazis transferred this primitive Darwinism to human society, considering races to be natural biological species. “The only reason for the extinction of cultures was the mixing of blood and, as a result, a decrease in the level of development of the race. For people die not as a result of lost wars, but as a result of the weakening of the power of resistance inherent only in pure blood, Hitler argued in his book My struggle. From this followed the conclusion about the need for "racial hygiene", "purification" and "rebirth" of the German "Aryan race" with the help of "the people's community of people of German blood and the German spirit in a strong, free state." Other "inferior" races were subject to subjugation or destruction. Especially "harmful", from the point of view of the Nazis, were peoples living in different countries and not having their own state. The National Socialists furiously exterminated millions of Jews and hundreds of thousands of Gypsies.

Denying the rights and freedoms of the individual as "useless and harmful", fascism defended those manifestations that it considered "essential freedoms" the possibility of an unhindered struggle for existence, aggression and private economic initiative.

The Fascists declared that "inequality is inevitable, beneficial and beneficial for people" (Mussolini). Hitler explained in one of his conversations: “Not to eliminate inequality between people, but to aggravate it by putting up impenetrable barriers. What form will the future take? social order, I'll tell you ... There will be a class of gentlemen and a crowd of different party members, placed strictly hierarchically. Beneath them an anonymous mass, inferior forever. Even lower is the class of conquered foreigners, modern slaves. Above all this will be a new aristocracy ... ".

Fascists accused representative democracy, socialism, and anarchism of "the tyranny of numbers", of focusing on equality and the "myth of progress", of weakness, inefficiency and "collective irresponsibility". Fascism proclaimed an "organized democracy" in which the true will of the people finds its expression in the national idea implemented by the fascist party. Such a party, “governing the nation in a totalitarian way”, should not express the interests of individual social strata or groups, but to merge with the state. Democratic expressions of will in the form of elections are superfluous. According to the principle of "leadership", the Fuhrer or Duce and their entourage, and then the leaders of lower ranks, concentrated the "will of the nation" in themselves. Decision-making by the "top" (elite) and lack of rights "from the bottom" were considered an ideal state in fascism.

Fascist regimes sought to rely on the activity of the masses, imbued with fascist ideology. Through an extensive network of corporate, social and educational institutions, mass meetings, celebrations and processions, the totalitarian state sought to transform the very essence of man, to subdue and discipline him, to capture and completely control his spirit, heart, will and mind, to form his consciousness and character, to influence on his will and behavior. The unified press, radio, cinema, and sports art were entirely put at the service of fascist propaganda, designed to mobilize the masses to solve the next task set by the "leader".

One of the key ideas in the ideology of fascism is the idea of ​​the unity of the nation-state. The interests of various social strata and classes were considered not contradictory, but complementary, which had to be fixed in the form of an appropriate organization. Every social group with common economic tasks(first of all, entrepreneurs and workers of the same industry) were to form a corporation (syndicate). The social partnership of labor and capital was declared the basis of production in the interests of the nation. Thus, the German Nazis proclaimed labor (including entrepreneurship and managerial activity) as a “social duty” protected by the state. “The first duty of every citizen of the state,” declared the program of the Nazi Party, “is to work spiritually and physically for the common good

» . At the core social relations there should have been "loyalty between the entrepreneur and the collective as between the leader and the followers for joint work, the fulfillment of production tasks and for the benefit of the people and the state."

In practice, within the framework of the fascist "corporate state", the entrepreneur was regarded as the "leader of production", responsible for him to the authorities. The hired worker lost all rights and was obliged to show executive activity, maintain labor discipline and take care of increasing productivity. Those who disobeyed or resisted were severely punished. For its part, the state guaranteed certain working conditions, the right to leave, benefits, bonuses, insurance, etc. The real purpose of the system was to

so that the worker can identify himself with "his" production through the "national-state idea" and some social guarantees.

The programs of the fascist movements contained a number of provisions directed against large proprietors, concerns and banks. Thus, the Italian fascists promised in 1919 to introduce a progressive income tax, confiscate 85% of military profits, transfer land to the peasants, establish an 8-hour working day, ensure the participation of workers in the management of production, and nationalize some

enterprises. The German National Socialists in 1920 demanded the destruction financial rent and the profits of the monopolies, to introduce workers' participation in the profits of enterprises, to liquidate the "big department stores", to confiscate the profits of speculators, to nationalize the trusts. However, in reality, the fascists proved to be extremely pragmatic when it came to the economy, especially since in order to establish and maintain their regimes, they needed an alliance with the former ruling elites. So, in 1921 Mussolini declared: “In economic issue we are liberals in the classical sense of the word, that is, we believe that fate national economy cannot be entrusted to more or less collective bureaucratic leadership." He called for the "unloading" of the state from economic tasks, for the denationalization of means of communication and means of communication. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, the Duce again advocated the expansion government intervention in the economy: still considering private initiative as a factor "most effective and useful for the national interest", he expanded the participation of the state where he considered the activity of private entrepreneurs insufficient or ineffective. In Germany, the Nazis very quickly abandoned their "anti-capitalist slogans" and went along the pathmerging the entrepreneurial and financial elite with the party elite.Rise of fascism, World War II and the collapse of fascist regimes. The victory of Italian and German fascism inspired the emergence of numerous fascist movements in many other countries of Europe and America, as well as the ruling or aspiring elites of a number of states, which, finding themselves in constrained economic or political circumstances, began to search for new ways and prospects.

Fascist or pro-fascist parties were created in Great Britain (1923), France (1924/1925), Austria, and in the early 1930s in the Scandinavian countries, Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, the USA, some states of Latin America, etc. In Spain, in 1923, the dictatorship of General Primo de Rivera was established, who admired the example of Mussolini; after its fall, Spanish fascism arose "phalangism" and "national syndicalism". The reactionary military, led by General Francisco Franco, joined with the fascists and won the fierce civil war in Spain; a fascist regime was established, which lasted until the death of the dictator Franco in 1975. In Austria, the "Austro-fascist" system arose in 1933, and in the 1930s the fascistization of the ruling dictatorial regime of Salazar in Portugal took place. Finally, fascist methods and elements of government (corporatism, extreme nationalism, one-party dictatorship) were often used by authoritarian governments in countries of Eastern Europe and Latin America.

An integral element of the fascist regimes was the institution of open and systematic terror against political, ideological and (in the Nazi version) "national" opponents. These repressions were characterized by the most monstrous scales. So, on the conscience of the Nazi dictatorship in Germany about

100 thousand human lives and more than a million arrested in the country itself and millions killed in the territories subsequently occupied by Germany during Second World War, killed and tortured in concentration camps. From 1 to 2 million people became victims of the rule of General Francisco Franco in Spain.

Between the fascist regimes and movements of various countries there were disagreements and conflicts often broke out (one of them was the annexation of Austria by Nazi Germany in 1938 (cm. AUSTRIA). However, in the end, they rather gravitated towards each other. In October 1936, an agreement was reached between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy ("Axis Berlin Rome"); in November of the same year, Germany and Japan concluded the Anti-Comintern Pact, which Italy joined in November 1937 (in May 1939 it concluded the Steel Pact with Germany). The fascist powers began to rapidly build up the military industry, turning it into an engine for the development of their economy. Openly expansionist foreign policy also corresponded to this course (Italy's attack on Ethiopia in October 1935, the capture of the Rhineland by Germany in March 1936, the German-Italian intervention in Spain in 1936-1939, the annexation of Austria to Nazi Germany in March 1938, the German occupation of Czechoslovakia in October 1938 March 1939, capture of Albania by fascist Italy in April 1939). The clash of interests of the fascist states with the foreign policy aspirations of the powers that won World War I (first of all, Great Britain, France and the USA), on the one hand, and the USSR, on the other, ultimately led in September 1939 to World War II.

The course of the war turned out to be initially favorable for the fascist states. By the summer of 1941, German and Italian troops had captured most of Europe; leaders of local fascist parties were placed in the governing bodies of occupied Norway, Holland and other countries; the fascists of France, Belgium, Denmark, and Romania collaborated with the invaders. Fascist Croatia became an "independent state". However, from 1

9 43 the scales began to tilt in favor of the bloc of the USSR and Western democracies. After military defeats in July 1943, the Mussolini regime in Italy fell, and the fascist party was banned (the puppet government in northern Italy, created in September 1943 by the leader of the Italian fascists, held out with German support until the end of the war). In the subsequent period, the German troops were expelled from all the territories they captured, and with them the local fascists were defeated. Finally, in May 1945, the Nazi regime in Germany also suffered a complete military defeat, and the National Socialist dictatorship was destroyed.Neo-fascism. Fascist-type regimes established in Spain and Portugal in the 1930s survived the Second world war. They went through a slow and long evolution, gradually getting rid of a number of fascist features. Thus, in Francoist Spain, an economic reform was carried out in 1959, which put an end to the economic isolation of the country; in the 1960s, economic modernization unfolded, followed by moderate political transformations to “liberalize” the regime. Similar measures were taken in Portugal. In the end, parliamentary democracy was restored in both countries: in Portugal after the revolution carried out by the armed forces on April 25, 1974, in Spain after the death of the dictator Franco in 1975.

The defeat of German and Italian fascism, the prohibition of the National Socialist and National Fascist parties and the anti-fascist reforms carried out after the Second World War put an end to "classical" fascism. However, it was reborn in a new, modernized form "neo-fascism" or "neo-Nazism".

The largest and most influential of these organizations did not formally identify themselves with their historical predecessors, since open recognition of this fact could lead to a ban. However, the succession was easy to trace from the program provisions and the personality of the leaders of the new parties. Thus, the Italian Social Movement (ISM), created in 1946, called for the replacement of capitalism by a "corporate" system, while sharply attacking socialism and speaking from nationalist positions. During the 1950s and 1960s, the ISD received from 4 to 6 percent of the vote in elections. However, since the late 1960s there has been a marked rise in neo-fascism in Italy. On the one hand, the ISD began to demonstrate its orientation towards legal methods of action. United with the monarchists and taking advantage of the growing dissatisfaction with the traditional parties, in 1972 it collected almost 9 percent of the vote; during the 1970s and 1980s, neo-fascists were supported by 5 to 7 percent of voters. At the same time, a kind of “division of labor” took place between the “official” ISD and the emerging extremist fascist groups (“ New order”, “National Vanguard”, “National Front”, etc.), which widely resorted to terror; as a result of various acts of violence and assassination attempts, organized by neo-fascists, dozens of people died.

In West Germany, neo-Nazi parties, which also denied open continuity with Hitler's National Socialism, began to emerge as early as the 1940s and 1950s. (German Right Party in 1946, Socialist Reich Party in 19491952, German Reich Party in 1950). In 1964, various organizations of the extreme right in the FRG united to form the National Democratic Party (NDP). Speaking with ultranationalist slogans, the National Democrats were able in the late 1960s to get deputies into the parliaments of seven West German states and get more than 4 percent of the vote in the 1969 elections. However, already in the 1970s, the influence of the NDP

rapidly declined. In Germany, new extreme right-wing groups appeared that competed with the national democrats (German People's Union, Republicans, etc.). At the same time, as in Italy, extremists became active, who openly referred to the legacy of Hitlerism and resorted to terrorist methods.

Organizations of a neo-fascist or neo-Nazi type have also appeared in other countries of the world. In some of them, in the 1970s and 1980s, they managed to get deputies into parliament (in Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, etc.).

Another feature of the period after the Second World War was the emergence of currents that tried to combine fascist ideas and values ​​with some elements from the worldview of the traditional or "new left". This trend has been called the "new right".

The "new rightists" strive to come up with an ideological justification for the theories of nationalism, the priority of the whole over the individual, inequality and the triumph of the "strongest". They attacked the modern Western industrial civilization, accusing her of lack of spirituality and creeping materialism, which destroys all life. The revival of Europe "new right" associated with the "conservative revolution" return to spiritual traditions dating back to the pre-Christian past, as well as the mysticism of the Middle Ages and modern times. They also treat the mystical elements of traditional fascism with great sympathy. Nationalism in the "new right" appears under the banner of upholding "diversity". They like to repeat that all nations are good

, but... only at home and when they don't mix with others. Confusion, averaging and equality for these ideologists are one and the same. One of the spiritual fathers of the movement, Alain de Benoist, stated that egalitarianism (the idea of ​​equality) and universalism are fictions, trying to unify a truly diverse world. The history of mankind is not a consistent line that has some meaning, but a movement along the surface of a ball. Man, according to Benois, is not only an individual, but also a “social animal”, a product of a certain tradition and environment., heir to the norms that have evolved over the centuries. Every nation, every culture emphasizes the “new right”, its own ethics, its own customs, its own morality, its own ideas about what is proper and beauty, its own ideals. That is why these peoples and cultures should never be mixed together; they should keep their purity. If the traditional Nazis emphasized "purity of race and blood", then the "new right" argues that the carriers of other cultures simply "do not fit" into European culture and European society, and thereby destroy them.

The "new rightists" act not as formalized political groups, but as a kind of intellectual elite of the right camp. They seek to imprint the ideas, ideas and values ​​that dominate Western society, and even seize "cultural hegemony" in it.

Pro-fascist movements at the turn of the millennium. The profound changes that have taken place in the world since the early 1990s (the cessation of the split of the world into two opposing military-political blocs, the fall of communist party regimes, the aggravation of social and economic problems, globalization), led to a serious regrouping in the camp of the far right.

The largest right-wing organizations have made serious efforts to fit into the existing political system. Thus, the Italian Social Movement in January 1995 was transformed into the National Alliance, which condemned "any form of authoritarianism and totalitarianism", declaring its commitment to the principles of democracy and liberal economics. The new organization continues to advocate militant nationalism, especially on immigration restrictions. The main party of the French ultra-right, founded in 1972, the National Front (NF) also made corrections to its programmatic and political slogans. The NF declared itself to be "social..., liberal, popular... and, of course, above all, a national alternative". It proclaims itself a democratic force, stands for market economy and reducing taxes on entrepreneurs, and proposes to solve social problems by reducing the number of immigrants who allegedly take away work from the French and "overload" the social insurance system.

The topic of limiting immigration to Europe from poor countries (first of all, from the states of the "Third World") became the leitmotif of the extreme right in the 1990s. On the wave of xenophobia (fear of foreigners), they managed to achieve impressive influence. Thus, the National Alliance in Italy received from 12 to 16 percent of the vote in the parliamentary elections in 1994-2001, the French NF collected 14-17 percent of the vote in the presidential elections, the Flemish Bloc in Belgium from 7 to 10 percent of the vote, the list of Pim Fortuyn in Holland scored in 2002 approx. 17 percent of the vote, becoming the second most powerful party

countries.

Characteristically, the extreme right has largely succeeded in imposing on society the themes and issues they propose. In their new, "democratic" guise, they turned out to be quite acceptable to the political establishment. As a result, former neo-fascists from the National Alliance were included in the Italian government in 1994 and 2001, the Fortuyn list entered the Dutch government in 2002, and the French NF often entered into agreements with right-wing parliamentary parties at the local level.

Since the 1990s, some parties that were previously considered to be on the liberal spectrum have also moved to positions of extreme nationalism, close to the far right: the Austrian Freedom Party, the Swiss People's Party, the Union of the Democratic Center of Portugal, etc. These organizations also enjoy considerable influence among the electorate and participate in the governments of their respective countries.

At the same time, more "orthodox" neo-fascist groups continue to operate. They intensified work among the youth (among the so-called "skinheads", football fans etc.). In Germany, the influence of neo-Nazis increased significantly in the mid-1990s, and to a large extent this process captured the territory of the former GDR. But even in the lands that were part of the Federal Republic of Germany before the reunification of Germany in 1990, there were repeated attacks on immigrants, arson of their houses and hostels, which led to human casualties.

However, the open ultra-rightists are also significantly modifying their political line, emphasizing the fight against globalization. Thus, the German National Democratic Party calls for opposition to the “world hegemony of the United States”, and the Flame group, which broke away from the Italian Social Action, proclaims an alliance with the left opponents of imperialism and emphasizes social motives in its program. Adherents of disguising fascist views with borrowings from the ideological baggage of the left “National Revolutionaries”, “National Bolsheviks”, etc., also became more active.

Within the territory of modern Russia neo-fascist groups began to appear during the Perestroika period and especially after the collapse of the USSR. At present, organizations such as the Russian National Unity, the National Bolshevik Party, the People's National Party, the Russian National Socialist Party, the Russian Party, etc. are actively operating and enjoying influence in certain circles. But they still have not been able to achieve significant success in the elections . So, in 1993, one deputy was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation, who was a member of the pro-fascist National Republican Party. In 1999, the far-right list "Russian Case" collected only 0.17 percent of the vote in the elections.

Vadim Damier

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Totalitarianism in Europe of the 20th century. From the history of ideologies, movements, regimes and their overcoming. Moscow: Monuments of historical thought, 1996
Galkin A.A. Reflections on fascism // Social transformations in Europe of the twentieth century. M., 1998
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